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Wall Street Journal (US), August
5, 2005
Women's Groups
Try To Rally for Court Fight
Their Influence Diminished, Abortion-Rights
Advocates Scramble Against Bush Nominee
Author : JEANNE CUMMINGS
The divisive 1991 confirmation hearings of Supreme
Court Justice Clarence Thomas, involving charges
of sexual harassment, launched 1992's Year
of the Woman. That election's windfall brought
four new women to the U.S. Senate and 20 to
the House -- and turned women's rights groups
into a force to be reckoned with.
Now another Supreme Court appointment battle
looms, with abortion rights a likely central
issue. But internal squabbles, declining membership
and complacency during the Clinton years have
left most women's rights groups in weakened
shape for the clash over Judge John G. Roberts
Jr.
The National Organization for Women's political
donations shriveled to $44,000 in 2004 from
$327,000 in 1992. Planned Parenthood Federation
of America Inc., facing a revolt among affiliates
in part because of the politicization of the
group, ousted its president in January and
hasn't taken a position on the Roberts nomination.
NARAL Pro-Choice America's new president was
still on an introductory tour to affiliates
and donors around the country when the Supreme
Court fight started.
The influence of women's groups inside Congress
also has eroded. Most Democrats in the Senate
"Gang of 14" -- moderates who could
prevent a Democratic filibuster -- weren't
endorsed by NARAL because they didn't solidly
back abortion rights or opposed them. "I
do worry about our strength as a movement,"
says Kate Michelman, NARAL's former president.
"What we do in this battle will establish
the foundation and create the conditions not
only for this one but also for the future."
Abortion-rights groups like NARAL oppose President
Bush's nominee, who in a 1990 Supreme Court
brief prepared for the Bush administration
advocated overturning the landmark Roe v. Wade
ruling. More recently, Judge Roberts has moderated
his language, but abortion-rights advocates
remain wary.
The troubled state of women's rights groups is
shared by many of their traditional allies.
Big Labor is falling apart as unions defect
from what they claim is a wasteful and antiquated
AFL-CIO. Civil-rights groups are fighting a
conservative pushback on affirmative action
and other issues. And the NAACP, the nation's
leading African-American organization, is under
investigation by the Internal Revenue Service.
The challenge for Judge Roberts's opponents is
exacerbated by Democrats' reconsideration of
how to position themselves with a more conservative
electorate. Abortion was among the issues that
some political analysts said drove church-going
voters to President Bush in last year's election.
Now, Democratic National Committee Chairman
Howard Dean, an abortion-rights supporter,
is urging his party's messengers to speak more
about faith and religion and to downplay issues
such as abortion.
Meanwhile, an array of conservative organizations
is stronger than ever. They spent the Clinton
years recruiting members and electing lawmakers,
particularly to the Senate. High School Bible
clubs flourished and anti-abortion organizations
established footholds in colleges and universities
across the country. The groups helped create
a generation of women more receptive to restricting
access to abortions and, because of broader
access to birth control, less sympathetic to
women with unwanted pregnancies, recent polls
and focus groups have found.
The question is whether the Roberts nomination
will have the same galvanizing effect as Justice
Thomas's. Polls indicate that a majority of
young adults, and the general public, oppose
overturning Roe v. Wade -- an opening women's
rights groups are trying to turn to their advantage.
"Bush has been our number-one membership
recruiter," says Kim Gandy, president
of NOW, which held dozens of protests the day
after Judge Roberts was nominated. NARAL sent
emails to 800,000 activists urging them to
begin petition drives and contact their senators
to express opposition to the nomination. Both
groups, and others, added their lawyers to
a coalition that is mining Judge Roberts's
record for clues on how he might rule on the
high court. They also are coordinating with
Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee
to ensure the nominee is questioned on abortion
rights during his hearings next month.
NARAL's new president, Nancy Keenan, witnessed
the conservative movement's growing influence
during the 1990s when she refereed battles
over school curriculum while serving as Montana's
school superintendent. When she visited Washington,
D.C., back then, she warned liberal allies
"there is something afoot in the West;
something seems orchestrated and calculated,"
she recalls. But they remained focused on lobbying
the Clinton administration for looser restrictions
on abortion funding and other long-thwarted
priorities.
Ms. Keenan is revitalizing a program that expands
NARAL's mission to protect access to birth
control as well as abortion and includes a
state-based recruitment drive. The project
is critical, she says, because that network
of advocates could become the first line of
defense if the Supreme Court overturns Roe
v. Wade and sends the issue back to state legislatures.
But while operations in Minnesota, New York and
California remain strong, organizing has been
painstaking work in states where conservatives
made big electoral and legislative gains.
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